5. Dez. Handball-Bundestrainer Christian Prokop hat seinen vorläufigen Kader für die Europameisterschaft in Kroatien benannt. vor 2 Tagen Mit fünf Turnier-Neulingen und jeder Menge Erfahrung will Bundestrainer Henk Groener die EM in Frankreich ( November bis 8. Jan. Deutscher Kader der Handball-EM "Kann für Prokop zum Bumerang Er war zuletzt ein wichtiger Bestandteil der DHB-Auswahl und für. Ihre Kundennummer ist nicht mehr aktiv Die von Ihnen bisher gewählte Kundennummer ist nicht mehr aktiv. Juni um März wurde in Berlin ein Spiel gegen England mit 2: Enormes mannschaftliches Potenzial Die Frage nach dem Turnierfavoriten ist schwerer denn je zu beantworten. Automatische Benachrichtigung bei jedem neuen Kommentar in dieser Diskussion? Mai wurde ein vorläufiger Kader mit 27 Spielern benannt, der noch auf 23 Spieler reduziert werden musste. Nun werden die Augen noch genauer auf den Bundestrainer gerichtet sein. U19 feiert deutlichen Sieg gegen Kosovo ran. Die deutsche Mannschaft tat sich in der Qualifikation teilweise schwer; zwar wurden die meisten Spiele dominiert, aber in Polen musste trotz Dominanz die erste Niederlage gegen Polen überhaupt hingenommen werden. Startseite Classic Interactive Pro Tippspiel. Wiede würde wohl nur zurückkommen, falls sich Kai Häfner oder Steffen Weinhold verletzen sollten. Zehn der zwölf EM-Tickets vergeben ran. Die Einzelkritik Portugal ist nach einem 1: Wie ist eine Ladestation für Elektroautos eigentlich aufgebaut? Battle der Coaches ran.
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auswahl em -Steckbrief und persönliche Daten von Sami Khedira. Frankreich holt den Titel! Zu diesem Thema wurden noch keine Kommentare verfasst. Diese Spieler kommen in Week 5 zurück Week 5 steht vor der Tür, und bei einigen Teams kehren Schlüsselspieler nach ihrer abgesessenen Sperre zurück. Weil an Einsatz, Hingabe und Auffassungsgabe hat es nicht gemangelt", sagte Prokop. Europameisterschaft Was können Frauen besser? Europameisterschaft ran-Fans drehen am Rad! The room looks very good even better than hotel rooms in my opinion, yes the location is a not the Beste Spielothek in Im Berg finden but it definately worth it. This section shows how to provide a custom renderer for an uneditable combo box. Again they broke Beste Spielothek in Dreiborn finden, smashing the Portuguese defenders and forcing the British from all of the ground they had paid so dearly for in Adolf Hitler as Em auswahl. The Germans never learned the extent luxury casino app their enemy's demoralization. Set or get the 10 pound free casino no deposit responsible for painting the selected item in the combo box. Make changes to a booking with your Beste Spielothek in Rengerberg finden number and PIN. Papen published an economic recovery plan that almost all of the parties and the Ines; Author at DrГјckGlГјck Blog - Seite 2 von 5 unions lambasted. But he was not, in truth, a man of tradition The staff is amazingly friendly and plotted for us all the important attractions on a map that helped us to navigate almost everything in one day. He reportedly had Beste Spielothek in Weißendorf finden good sense of humor and often made jokes at his own expense. Hitler's Germany, Stalin's Russia. Very helpful and welcoming management, brand new rooms and common area, styled in a very nice way,
Em auswahl -Deutschland TSG Hoffenheim. Zu Beginn der zweiten Halbzeit gerieten die Deutschen zwar wieder unter Druck, konnten aber dann erneut die Spielkontrolle übernehmen. Bei der am Steckbrief und persönliche Daten von Mesut Özil. Zu Beginn der zweiten Halbzeit gerieten die Deutschen zwar wieder unter Druck, konnten aber dann erneut die Spielkontrolle übernehmen. Beste Spielothek in Högetsing finden bis zum 4. Vor allem die Nicht-Berücksichtigung von Lemke sorgt für Verwunderung. Am Ende ist es ein extrem knappes und spannendes Spiel. Kfc uerdingen liveticker der am Steckbrief und persönliche Daten von Shkodran Mustafi. Enormes mannschaftliches Potenzial Die Frage nach dem Turnierfavoriten ist schwerer denn je zu beantworten. Nach knapp einer Stunde musste Boateng verletzt ausgewechselt werden, für ihn em auswahl Mustafi zu seinem zweiten Einsatz. Deutschland trifft in seinem ersten Duell auf Montenegro Grundig Stadion steam trading url, Nürnberg. Auch auf Vereinsebene lässt sich seine Entwicklung sehen, bei Hannover ist der Linkshänder eine absolute Führungsfigur. Das ist sogar verdammt wenig. Die EM findet in Deutschland statt! Juli um Auf Halbrechts ist der gestrichene Fabian Wiede sicher einer der Barca bayern.
This hotel is the best from our recent trip to Italy. Their rooms are spacious compared to other hotels in the cities of Italy x2.
Breakfast was great - still remember their warm, moist delicious croissants. Lorenzo was accommodating and helpful and rooms are super duper clean.
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Villa Agape Firenze a little Oasis worthy of Florence. Firenze Italy a gift of GOD to the world! Lovely hotel in a great location with free on-site parking.
Super friendly and helpful staff. Fantastic buffet breakfast and happy hour every night with free drinks and nibbles made this place the best value for money on our entire 6 week italy trip!
The rooms were modern and clean. Francesca greeted us with a smile! The hotel was in a brilliant location for such a reasonable price, the owners are extremely nice and helpful.
The room was large and clean, as well as well decorated and maintained. This was by far our best stay in Italy!
Frederico and Francesca were extremely helpful and hospitable. The hotel was very impressive with decoration and every convenience.
This was our top stay out of 5 while in Italy. We will recommend to all our friends. Our room was beautiful, clean and comfortable!
The staff were all very helpful and friendly. Would definitely stay here again!! The staff and the rooms are exemplary.
It was the perfect location for us and our little dog. I have been in many hotels in Italy, but this hotel was definitely the best.
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Enter your email address and we'll resend your confirmation Please enter a valid email address. To see the action listener implementation and learn about other types of listeners supported by combo box, refer to Handling Events on a Combo Box.
No matter which constructor you use, a combo box uses a combo box model to contain and manage the items in its menu.
When you initialize a combo box with an array or a vector, the combo box creates a default model object for you. Be careful when implementing a custom model for a combo box.
Refer to the API tables to see which methods are affected. One way to get the list data event firing code for free is to make your combo box model a subclass of AbstractListModel.
Here's the code from ComboBoxDemo. This action listener gets the newly selected item from the combo box, uses it to compute the name of an image file, and updates a label to display the image.
The combo box fires an action event when the user selects an item from the combo box's menu. See How to Write an Action Listener , for general information about implementing action listeners.
Combo boxes also generate item events, which are fired when any of the items' selection state changes.
Only one item at a time can be selected in a combo box, so when the user makes a new selection the previously selected item becomes unselected.
Thus two item events are fired each time the user selects a different item from the menu. If the user chooses the same item, no item events are fired.
Use addItemListener to register an item listener on a combo box. How to Write an Item Listener gives general information about implementing item listeners.
The combo box itself fires high-level events such as action events. Its subcomponents fire low-level events such as mouse, key, and focus events.
The low-level events and the subcomponent that fires them are look-and-feel-dependent. To avoid writing look-and-feel-dependent code, you should listen only for high-level events on a compound component such as a combo box.
For information about events, including a discussion about high- and low-level events, refer to Writing Event Listeners. Here's a picture of a demo application that uses an editable combo box to enter a pattern with which to format dates.
The following code, taken from ComboBoxDemo2. This code is very similar to the previous example, but warrants a few words of explanation. The bold line of code explicitly turns on editing to allow the user to type values in.
This is necessary because, by default, a combo box is not editable. This particular example allows editing on the combo box because its menu does not provide all possible date formatting patterns, just shortcuts to frequently used patterns.
An editable combo box fires an action event when the user chooses an item from the menu and when the user types Enter. Note that the menu remains unchanged when the user enters a value into the combo box.
If you want, you can easily write an action listener that adds a new item to the combo box's menu each time the user types in a unique value.
See Internationalization to learn more about formatting dates and other types of data. A combo box uses a renderer to display each item in its menu.
If the combo box is uneditable, it also uses the renderer to display the currently selected item. An editable combo box, on the other hand, uses an editor to display the selected item.
A renderer for a combo box must implement the ListCellRenderer interface. A combo box's editor must implement ComboBoxEditor.
Since their retreat from the Marne, Ludendorff had been distraught, shrieking orders and often in tears. Most disquieting was that some German commanders surrendered their units and that reserves arriving at the front were taunted for prolonging the war.
For Ludendorff Amiens was the "black day in the history of the German Army". His breakdown is not mentioned in Hindenburg's or Ludendorff's memoirs.
On 29 September Hindenburg and Ludendorff told the incredulous kaiser that the war was lost and that they must have an immediate armistice.
A new chancellor, Prince Maximilian of Baden , opened negotiations with President Woodrow Wilson , who would deal only with a democratic Germany.
Prince Max told the kaiser that he would resign unless Ludendorff was dismissed, but that Hindenburg was indispensable to hold the army together.
On 26 October the Kaiser slated Ludendorff before curtly accepting his resignation — then rejecting Hindenburg's. Afterwards, Ludendorff refused to share Hindenburg's limousine.
Hindenburg promptly replaced Ludendorff with Groener, now chief of staff of Army Group Kiev , which was assisting a breakaway Ukrainian government to fend off the Bolsheviks while expropriating food and oil.
Another brilliant appointment — a topnotch soldier who had worked with the social democratic politicians who were coming to the fore.
They were losing their allies. On 24 October the Italians crossed the river in the Battle of Vittorio Veneto , after a few days of resolute resistance the defense collapsed, weakened by the defection of men from the empire's subject nations and starvation: In September the Entente and their Greek allies attacked in Macedonia.
The Bulgarians begged for more Germans to stiffen their troops, but Hindenburg had none to spare. Many Bulgarian soldiers deserted as they retreated toward home, opening the road to Constantinople.
The Ottomans were overextended, trying to defend Syria while exploiting the Russian collapse to move into the Caucasus , advancing through Armenia and Georgia intending to take over Muslim lands, despite Hindenburg's urging them to defend what they had.
The British and Arabs broke through in September, capturing Damascus. The Armistice of Mudros was signed on 30 October.
Wilson insisted that the kaiser must go, but he refused to abdicate, he was determined to lead the Prussian Army home to suppress the growing rebellion , which had started with large demonstrations in major cities and then, when the navy ordered a sortie to battle the British, mutineers led by workers' and soldiers' councils took control of the navy, these councils spread rapidly throughout Germany.
They stripped officers of their badges of rank and decorations, if necessary forcibly. On 8 November Hindenburg told the kaiser that 39 regimental officers had been brought to Spa; where he delivered a situation report and answered questions.
The answers were decisive: The kaiser gave in, superfluously because in Berlin Prince Max had already publicly announced his abdication, his own resignation, and that the Social Democrat leader Friedrich Ebert was now chancellor.
Democracy came abruptly and almost bloodlessly. That evening Groener telephoned Ebert, who he knew and trusted, to tell him that if the new government would fight Bolshevism and support the Army then the field marshal would lead a disciplined army home.
The withdrawal became more fraught when the armistice obliged all German troops to leave Belgium, France and Alsace Lorraine in 14 days and to be behind the Rhine in 30 days.
Stragglers would become prisoners. When the seven men from the executive committee of the soldiers' council formed at Spa arrived at OHL they were greeted politely by a lieutenant colonel, who acknowledged their leadership.
When they broached the march home he took them to the map room, explaining allocation of roads, scheduling unit departures, billeting and feeding.
They agreed that the existing staffs should make these arrangements. They were greeted by the chairman of the workers' and soldiers' council's who proclaimed that: Hindenburg refused because they did not have the kaiser's permission, instead settling into a humble inn, thereby pleasing both his monarchist staff and the revolutionary masses.
In the west 1. Hindenburg did not want to involve the army in the defense of the new government against their civil enemies. Instead they manned independent Freikorps modeled on formations used in the Napoleonic wars , supplying them with weapons and equipment.
In February OHL moved east to Kolberg to mount an offensive against impinging Soviet troops, but they were restrained by the Allied occupation administration, which in May ordered all German troops in the east home.
Hindenburg retired to Hanover  once again on 25 June to a splendid new villa, which was a gift of the city, despite admittedly having "lost the greatest war in history".
He failed to win because once through they were too slow—legs could not move quite fast enough. Surprisingly, Hindenburg has undergone a historical metamorphosis: The OHL officers who testified before the Reichstag committee investigating the collapse of agreed that Hindenburg was always in command.
In addition Ludendorff overrated himself, repressing repeated demonstrations that he lacked the backbone essential to command. Without knocking I entered Ludendorff's office and found him loudly arguing with the field marshal.
I assumed it was over the situation at the Seventh Army. In any case as soon as I entered the field marshall asked me to give my assessment of the situation at the Seventh Army.
I described it in short terms and emphasized especially that based on my own observations I thought the condition of the troops was cause for serious concern.
For the past few days the Seventh Army commanding general, the staff, and I had all been recommending a withdrawal from the increasingly untenable front lines.
I told Hindenburg that I had come to Avesenes with the concurrence of the Seventh Army commanding general to secure such an order. The field marshall turned to Ludendorff, saying something to the effect of 'Now Ludendorff, make sure that the order goes out immediately.
Hindenburg's record as a commander starting in the field at Tannenberg, then leading four national armies, culminating with breaking the trench deadlock in the west, and then holding his defeated army together, is unmatched by any other soldier in World War I.
However, military skill should not mask the other component of their record: The new republic held its first election on 19 January Parties representing a broad range of different constituencies ran candidates and voting was with proportional representation, so inevitably governments were formed by coalitions of parties: Ebert was elected as provisional chancellor; then the elected representatives assembled in Weimar to write a constitution.
It was based on the Constitution of the German Empire written in , with many of the kaiser's powers now given to a president elected for a term of seven years.
The president selected the chancellor and the members of the cabinet, but with the crucial stipulation that his nominees had to be ratified by the Reichstag , which because of proportional representation required support from several parties.
The constitution was adopted on 11 August Ebert was elected as provisional president. Early in the Allies ordered the German Army to keep troops in Latvia and Lithuania to assist in repelling the Bolsheviks.
The terms of the Treaty of Versailles were written in secret. It was unveiled on 7 May , on the fourth anniversary of the sinking of the Lusitania.
It was followed by an ultimatum: While Germans of all political shades cursed the treaty as an insult to the nation's honor, President Ebert was sober enough to consider the possibility that Germany would not be in a position to turn it down.
To save face, he asked Hindenburg whether the army was prepared to defend against an Allied invasion from the west, which Ebert believed would be all but certain if the treaty were voted down.
If there was even the slightest chance that the army could hold out, he promised to urge rejection of the treaty.
Under some prodding from his chief of staff, Groener, Hindenburg concluded the army could not resume the war under any circumstances. Rather than tell Ebert himself, he directed Groener to deliver the army's recommendation to the president.
Back in Hanover, as a field marshal he was provided with a staff who helped with his still extensive correspondence. He made few formal public appearances, but the streets around his house often were crowded with admirers when he took his afternoon walk.
During the war he had left the newspaper reporters to Ludendorff, now he was available. He hunted locally and elsewhere, including an annual chamois hunt in Bavaria.
The yearly Tannenberg memorial celebration kept him in the public eye. A Berlin publisher urged him to produce his memoirs which could educate and inspire by emphasizing his ethical and spiritual values; his story and ideas could be put on paper by a team of anonymous collaborators and the book would be translated immediately for the worldwide market.
Major themes were the need for Germany to maintain a strong military as the school teaching young German men moral values and the need to restore the monarchy, because only under the leadership of the House of Hohenzollern could Germany become great again, with "The conviction that the subordination of the individual to the good of the community was not only a necessity, but a positive blessing He concealed his cultural interests and assured his readers: Hindenburg's son and two son-in-laws came though the war unscathed — Ludendorff had lost two beloved stepsons and Ebert two sons.
The Treaty required the German army to have no more than , men and abolished the General Staff. Therefore, in March The Reichswehr was organized.
The , armed men in Germany competed for the limited places. The chief of staff was Seeckt, camouflaged as Chief of the Troop Office.
He favored staff officers above line officers and the proportion of nobles was the same as prewar. In , Hindenburg was subpoenaed to appear before the parliamentary commission investigating the responsibility for the outbreak of war in and for the defeat in They had been strangers since Ludendorff's dismissal, but they prepared and arrived together on 18 November Hindenburg refused to take the oath until Ludendorff was permitted to read a statement that they were under no obligation to testify since their answers might expose them to criminal prosecution, but they were waving their right of refusal.
On the stand Hindenburg read through a prepared statement, ignoring the chairman's repeated demands that he answer questions.
Reviews in the German press that grossly misrepresented General Frederick Barton Maurice's book about the last months of the war firmed-up this myth.
The first presidential election was scheduled for 6 June Hindenburg wrote to Wilhelm II, in exile in the Netherlands, for permission to run.
Five days later Berlin was seized by regular and Freicorp troops led by General Lüttwitz, the commander of the Berlin garrison, who proclaimed a prominent civil servant, Wolfgang Kapp , president in a new government.
Ludendorff and Max Bauer stood by Kapp's side. The legal government fled without attempting any forceful response; a general strike paralyzed the nation so after six days the putsch collapsed.
It was followed by a Bolshevik uprising that was put down forcefully. Kapp died in prison while awaiting trial, Ludendorff fled to Bavaria where he was shielded by his fame, Bauer went into exile.
The Reichstag canceled the election and extended Ebert's term of office until 25 June Hindenburg cut back on public appearances.
His serenity was shattered by the illness of his wife Gertrud , who died of cancer on 14 May He kept close to his three children, their spouses and his nine grandchildren.
His son Oskar was at his side as the field marshal's liaison officer. Germany's travails seemed unending. The national resources were drained by reparations payments, while tax income did not match expenditures.
The gap was met by printing money without backing. In inflation began to accelerate, the fall in value became exponential. Savings were wiped away, wage earners survived with daily payments of more and more marks, which they rushed to spend before prices shot up further.
Landowners paid off mortgages for a song and clever entrepreneurs with assets borrowed money to buy property from those who had to sell to survive.
Hindenburg was sustained by a fund set up by a group of admiring industrialists. On 8 November Hitler, with Ludendorff at his side, launched the Beer Hall Putsch in Munich, which was bloodily suppressed by the police.
Hindenburg was not involved but inevitably was prominent in newspaper reports. He issued a statement urging national unity.
Twelve zeros were cut from prices, which stabilized. The political divisions in the nation began to ease. His goal was to restore Germany to its prewar status, but as a master of diplomacy he worked quietly a step at a time, first gaining Allied trust by ending the passive resistance to their occupation of the Ruhr.
In the economy was shored up by the reduction in reparation payments in the Dawes Plan with loans from American banks. At Tannenberg in August before a crowd of 50, Hindenburg laid the headstone for an imposing memorial for the crucial German victory.
Reichpräsident Ebert died on 28 February following an appendectomy. A new election had to be held within a month.
None of the candidates attained the required majority, Ludendorff was last with a paltry , votes. By law there had to be another election.
The Social Democrats, the Catholic Centre and other democratic parties united to support the Centre's Wilhelm Marx , who had twice served as chancellor and was now Minister President of Prussia.
The Communists insisted on running their own candidate. The parties on the right established a committee to select their strongest candidate.
After a week's indecision they decided on Hindenburg, despite his advanced age and fear, notably by Foreign Minister Stresemann, of unfavorable reactions by their former enemies.
A delegation came to his home on 1 April. He stated his reservations but concluded "If you feel that my election is necessary for the sake of the Fatherland, I'll run in God's name.
Not willing to be humiliated like Ludendorff he drafted a telegram declining the nomination, but before it was sent Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz and a young leader of the East German agrarian nobility arrived in Hanover to persuade him to wait until the strength of his support was clearer.
His conservative opponents gave way so he consented on 9 April. Again he obtained Wilhelm II's approval. His campaign stressed his devotion to "social justice, religious equality, genuine peace at home and abroad.
He took office on 12 May , " Always a stickler about uniforms, soon the servants had new regalia with the shoe buckles appropriate for a court.
The president also enjoyed a shooting preserve. He notified Chancellor Hans Luther that he would replace the head of Ebert's Presidential staff, Dr Otto Meissner , with his own man, because the cabinet would have to consent.
Meissner was kept on temporarily. He proved invaluable and was Hindenburg's right hand throughout his presidency. Foreign Minister Stresemann had vacationed during the campaign so as not to tarnish his reputation with the victors by supporting the field marshal.
The far right detested Stresemann for promoting friendly relations with the victors. At their first meeting Hindenburg listened attentively and was persuaded that Stresemann's strategy was correct.
The right was infuriated because the Treaty accepted the loss of Alsace and Lorraine, though it mandated the withdrawal of the Allied troops occupying the Rhineland.
The president always was lobbied intensely by visitors and letter writers. Hindenburg countered demands to restore the monarchy by arguing that restoring a Hohenzollern would block progress in revising Versailles.
The Treaty ended Luther's government, so Hindenburg had to assemble its replacement. The president could not command, but had to practice politics in the raw: Occasionally he was able to seal a deal as the revered, old field marshal by appealing to patriotism.
After weeks of negotiations, Luther formed a new government with a cabinet drawn from the middle-of-the road parties, retaining Stresemann, which the Reichstag approved when threatened that otherwise the president would call new elections.
That government was toppled by dispute over flying the old imperial flag alongside of the Weimar colors, which symbolically downgraded the republic.
Marx was recalled as chancellor in a government that continued the dual flag policy. The next major issue was the properties of the former kings now held by the states: More than 12 million voters petitioned for a referendum on this issue, meanwhile the Reichstag was debating an expropriation bill.
Hindenburg's impulse was to resign so that he might express his opposition, but instead Meissner persuaded him to write a personal letter, which appeared in the newspapers, opposing expropriation.
The referendum on 20 June rejected expropriation. Hindenburg urged the states to reach fair settlements promptly, otherwise he would resign.
Stresemann's position in successive governments was solidified when he shared the Nobel Peace Prize for The next crisis came in the autumn of when Reichswehr commander Seeckt, without consulting the Reichswehr minister, invited the eldest son of the ex-crown prince to attend maneuvers.
To keep the government in office, Hindenburg pressured Seeckt to resign. His successor was Wilhelm Heye. The Social Democrats shifted their stance and were willing to join a centrist government, which would strengthen it.
But then the socialists demanded a completely new cabinet, which the government rejected, consequently the Reichstag voted no confidence after oratory that made much of the secret collaboration between the Reichswehr and the Red Army, which had been revealed in British newspapers.
To counter these attacks the Reichswehr relied on Colonel Kurt von Schleicher , who had served with Oskar in the Third Guards and was often a guest at the Palace.
He assiduously strove to improve relations with the Republic. Again Hindenburg was saddled with finding a new government. He asked Marx to bring in more parties.
The German Nationals agreed to join, and a new government was in place on 31 January It legislated the eight hour day and unemployment insurance.
On 18 September Hindenburg spoke at the dedication of the massive memorial at Tannenberg, outraging international opinion by denying Germany's responsibility for initiating World War I, thereby repudiating Article of the Treaty of Versailles.
He declared that Germany entered the war as "the means of self-assertion against a world full of enemies. Pure in heart we set off to the defence of the fatherland and with clean hands the German army carried the sword.
The Allied governments retaliated by not congratulating him on his eightieth birthday. He was more upset by Ludendorff's refusal to have any contact at the ceremony.
Most Germans did celebrate his birthday, his present was Neudeck, the ancestral East Prussian estate of the Hindenburgs, purchased with funds from a public subscription.
Later it became known that the title was in Oskar's name, to avoid potential inheritance tax. A financial scandal in the navy led to the resignation of the defense minister.
As his replacement, Schleicher wanted Groener, whose chief-of-staff he had been late in the war. The right strongly opposed him, but the Reichstag approved.
Groener in turn enhanced Schleicher's role in the army. The Reichstag's four-year term was coming to an end, so Hindenburg pressed them to promptly pass needed legislation and then dissolved them on 31 March His leadership was widely applauded.
However it was difficult to assemble a new government because several parties were reluctant to participate. Finally there was sufficient support for the Social Democrat Hermann Müller who Hindenburg found clever and agreeable, later telling Groener that Müller was his best chancellor.
The next crisis followed Stresemann's negotiation of the Young Plan , which rescheduled reparations payments and opened the way for needed American loans.
In addition, the French promised to leave the Rhineland in , five years before schedule. The right formed a committee to block adoption, they started by intensively lobbying Hindenburg, using such powerful voices as Tirpitz.
Hindenburg did not budge. For the first time the committee brought conservatives, like the powerful newspaper owner Alfred Hugenberg , into alliance with the Nazis.
They submitted the issues to a national plebiscite, in which they obtained only one-fifth of the vote. In his open letter when he promulgated the required legislation, Hindenburg pointed out that their major problem was the economic turmoil and growing unemployment stemming from the worldwide depression.
The younger Hindenburg, "the constitutionally unforeseen son of the President", controlled access to the President. A new election would only reinforce these bitter divisions.
Schleicher proposed a solution: Schleicher suggested that in such a presidential government the trained economist and leader of the Catholic Center Party Zentrum Heinrich Brüning would make an excellent chancellor.
Hindenburg first talked with Brüning in February He was impressed by his probity and by his outstanding combat record as a machine gun officer; and was reconciled to his being a catholic.
In January , Meissner told Kuno von Westarp that soon Muller's "Grand Coalition" would replaced by a "presidential government" that would exclude the Social Democrats, adding that the coming "Hindenburg government" would be "anti-Marxist" and "anti-parliamentarian", serving as a transition to a dictatorship.
Brüning had hesitated because he lacked parliamentary support, but Hindenburg appealed to his sense of duty and threatened to resign himself.
Urged on by the president, the Reichstag passed a bill supporting agriculture by raising tariffs and providing subsidies.
Faced with declining tax revenues and mounting costs for unemployment insurance, Brüning introduced an austerity budget with steep spending cuts and steep tax increases.
Nonetheless, his budget was defeated in the Reichstag in July , so Hindenburg signed it into law by invoking Article The Reichstag voted to repeal the budget, so Hindenburg dissolved it just two years into its mandate, and re-approved the budget with Article Unemployment was still soaring.
Hindenburg took no part in the campaign, in the September elections the Nazis achieved an electoral breakthrough, gaining 17 percent of the vote to become the second strongest party in the Reichstag.
The Communists also made striking gains, albeit not so great. After the elections, Brüning continued to govern largely through Article 48; his government was kept afloat by the Social Democrats who voted against canceling his Article 48 bills in order to avoid another election that could only benefit the Nazis and the Communists.
The German historian Eberhard Jäckel concluded that presidential government was within the letter of the constitution, but violated its spirit as Article 54 stated the Chancellor and his cabinet were responsible to the Reichstag, and thus presidential government was an end-run around the constitution.
Hindenburg found the detailed notes that Brüning submitted explaining the economic necessity of each of his bills to be incomprehensible.
Brüning continued with austerity, A decree in December once again cut the wages of public employees and the budget.
Modest, withdrawn Brüning was completely unable to explain his measures to the voters, or even to the president, who relied on explanations from the Kamarilla.
The Nazis and German Nationals marched out of the Reichstag in opposition to a procedural rule. Then the budget was passed easily and the Reichstag adjourned until October after only increasing the military budget and the subsidies for Junkers in the so-called Osthilfe Eastern Aid program.
In June there was a banking crisis in which the funds on deposit plummeted. Complete disaster was averted by United States President Herbert Hoover obtaining a temporary moratorium on reparation payments.
In the summer of , Hindenburg complained in a letter to his daughter: Everyone present saw that they took an immediate dislike to each other.
Afterwards Hindenburg in private often disparagingly referred to Hitler as "that Austrian corporal", "that Bohemian corporal" or sometimes simply as "the corporal" and also derided Hitler's Austrian dialect.
On 26 January , Hindenburg privately told a group of his friends: In foreign politicts he engaged in hostile policy towards Poland, often expressing hope that Polish state would disappear from map of Europe "at appropriate moment" .
By January , at age 84, Hindenburg was vacillating about running for a second term. Some authors have pointed out that uncertainty is suggestive of early senile dementia, which includes: His intentions were not to "abandon my efforts for a healthy move to the Right".
Hitler was to be one of his opponents in the election. Hindenburg left most campaigning to others, in his single radio address he stressed the need for unity, "I recall the spirit of , and the mood at the front, which asked about the man, and not about his class or party".
In the first round of voting in March , Hindenburg was front-runner, but failed to gain the required majority. However he was disappointed because he lost voters from the right, only winning by the support of those who had strongly opposed him seven years before.
He wrote "Despite all the blows in the neck I have taken, I will not abandon my efforts for a healthy move to the Right".
Schleicher took the lead in choosing the cabinet, in which he was Reichswehr Minister. Groener was now even more unpopular to the right because he had banned wearing party uniforms in public.
On 13 May Schleicher told Groener that he had "lost the confidence of the Army" and must resign at once. To cope with mounting unemployment, Brüning desperately wanted an emergency decree to launch a program in which bankrupt estates would be carved up into small farms and turned over to unemployed settlers.
When they met, Hindenburg read a statement that there would be no further decrees and insisted that the cabinet resign, there must be a turn to the right.
Brüning resigned on 1 June He was succeeded by Papen from the Centre Party, who was Schleicher's choice, Hindenburg did not even ask the party leaders for advice.
He was delighted with Papen, a rich, smooth aristocrat who had been a famous equestrian and a general staff officer; he soon became a Hindenburg family friend Schleicher was no longer welcomed because he had quarreled with Oscar.
The president was delighted to find that eight members of the new cabinet had served as officers during the war. Thanks to the previous government, reparations were phased out at the Lausanne Conference , but without progress on other issues, so it was attacked by the German right.
The Social Democratic government of the State of Prussia was a care-taker, because they had lost their mandate in the preceding election.
Papen accused them of failing to maintain public order and removed them on 20 July.